Same-Sex Marriage as an Individual's Right
Background
The fight to legalize same-sex marriage by gay rights activists did not begin until the 1980’s in the United States. It was not until November of 2003 that the Massachusetts Supreme Court ruled for the first time ever that barring gays and lesbians from marrying violated the State Constitution. The Massachusetts Chief Justice concluded that to “deny the protections, benefits, and obligations conferred by civil marriage” to same-sex couples would be unconstitutional because it denies them “the dignity and equality of all individuals” and makes them “second-class citizens” (The American Gay Rights Movement). To this day, the decision of whether same-sex marriage is recognized is left up to the state. Because of this, same-sex couples have been left on an array of labels from state to state ranging from domestic partnerships, civil unions, and, civil marriage to limited or no benefits and/or recognition.
Though there is heavy controversy on this topic, especially after recent elections, the Supreme Court has accepted marriage as a civil, fundamental right (Pull). Several court cases throughout history have described it as a significant need for a society to flourish and essential for the survival of a community. Chief Justice Marshall described it as a “vital social institution” and as “central to the lives of individuals and the welfare of a community, our laws assiduously protect the individual’s right to marry against undue government incursion.” Recently the Iowa Supreme Court ruled, “Civil marriage must be judged under our constitutional standards of equal protection and not under religious doctrines or the religious views of individuals" (Quin). Same-sex marriage is not a decision that should be left to the religious right; the issue does not lie in which church is right and which is wrong. Marriage in itself is a legal contract that allows dedicated couples a stable foundation in which to begin a family. It is a package deal that comes with insurance and medical benefits, inheritance rights, social security, and tax benefits. Unlike in elections, in the courts same-sex marriage issues have emerged somewhat victoriously but because sexuality is a fledgeling category to be brought to judges, unlike race or gender, they have little history to fall back on or landmark court decisions to draw from.
Factual Overview
Outside of the courts and in the public, homosexuality in itself is very controversial. This labeled “alternative” lifestyle is often look down upon by the religious right and considered an abomination in the eyes of God. The term “homosexual” is juxtaposed to a life of sin and immorality in several churches. Though this country is supposed to be free of an established religion, it is also a democracy where majority rules. This majority often links its political views with its moral views, which is not always unfortunate, but this leaves the minority LGBT community to fend for themselves.
Same-sex marriage is a controversy involving history, religion, and morality. Historically speaking, marriage has always been an institution that unites two people of the opposite sex. The rejection of unorthodox views regarding sexual orientation and the institution of marriage provided an outline for rules regarding the right to marry (Pull). Religiously, marriage is a sacred union between one man and one woman. Those opposed to same-sex marriage argue that homosexuality is immoral and allowing homosexuals to marry would destroy the sanctity of marriage. They also worry that by legalizing same-sex marriage, children will be exposed to this abnormal lifestyle at school when learning about marriage and family life.
Those in support of same-sex marriage, argue that marriage is a civil right and claim that banning it is an act of homophobia and discrimination. To limit the institution of marriage to only heterosexuals is “unfair to same-sex couples and potentially detrimental to the fiscal interests of the state and its economic institutions to reserve the designation of marriage solely for opposite-sex couples” (In Re Marriage Cases, 5). They also believe that marriage goes beyond religious beliefs and it is necessary for same-sex couples to have the same legal rights as heterosexual couples. Marriage is not an institution in need of protection from same-sex couples, like the Defence of Marriage Act boldly states, it is a civil right that needs to be made open to all couples willing to make this commitment to each other.
On the ballot, same-sex marriage has experienced 31 losses in the present gay movement towards marriage equality (Goodnough). When it comes to popular vote, it is obvious that though homosexuality is more culturally accepted today, the majority still wishes to uphold traditional marriage. Five states, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Iowa, New Hampshire and Vermont, have legalized same-sex marriage, but only through court rulings and legislative action (Goodnough). State legislatures had been viewed as new allies in the fight for same-sex marriage after lawmakers in Maine, Vermont and New Hampshire approved such bills this year (Goodnough).
Legal Overview
Arguments legally supporting same-sex marriage have included the Equal Protection Clause, the Due Process Clause, the Privilege and Immunities Clause, and the Full Faith and Credit Clause. Those opposing same-sex marriage argue the history of marriage, each heterosexual couple’s ability to procreate, and the simple fact that there is normalcy in heterosexuality to limit the institution of marriage to straight couples. To this day, there is no one national law regarding marriage: it is still left up to each individual state to decide. Scattered through out the country are few same-sex married couples, a number of same-sex couples in domestic partnerships and others in civil unions, and the other same-sex couples waiting for marriage equality.
In Goodridge v. Department of Public Health in Massachusetts (2003), the Court held sexual orientation was a non-suspect class and subject to the Rational Basis Test. In this case, there was no rational basis to deny the right of marriage to same-sex couples on the grounds of Due Process and Equal Protection.
The first same-sex marriage issue taken to court was in 1971 in Singer v. Hara in Washington. Here, two men were denied a marriage license. In the Washington Court of Appeals, they argued that prohibiting same-sex marriage violated the Equal Rights Amendment of the Washington Constitution because it was based on gender. The Court ruled against them in 1974 because of the historic definition of marriage which specifically left the institution of marriage for heterosexual relationships. Washington argued that there was no violation because both men and women were not allowed to marry members of the same sex. The court used Rational Basis here because it found that sexual orientation was not a suspect class.
On the other hand, two later cases from Washington ruled in favor of same-sex marriage for different reasons. In Anderson v. Sims (2004), eight same-sex couples filed suit after being denied marriage licenses because of the State’s Defense of Marriage Act. The defendants argued that preserving marriage as a heterosexual union was a legitimate state interest well met by the state. The court held that the plaintiffs had a fundamental right to marry and that prohibiting same-sex marriage neither serves a compelling interest nor rationally relates to a legitimate state interest. This ruling was appealed. Then in Castle v. Washington (2004), American Civil Liberties Union again filed suit on behalf of eleven gay couples who were not allowed to marry arguing that it violated the State Constitution.This Court ruled that sexual orientation was a suspect class for purposes of analyzing Washington’s Constitution and therefore subject to strict scrutiny. The Court held that Washington’s same-sex marriage ban was a violation of the Privilege and Immunities Clause of the State Constitution. This decision was also appealed.
Both cases were consolidated and became Anderson v. King County. In this case, the Defense of Marriage Act was upheld. Justice Barbara Madison wrote, “DOMA is constitutional because the legislature was entitled to believe that limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples furthers procreation, essential to the survival of the human race, and furthers the well-being of children by encouraging families where children are reared in homes headed by the children’s biological parents.” In the dissent, Justice Mary Fairhurst questioned, “Would giving same-sex couples the same right that opposite-sex couples enjoy injure the state’s interest in procreation and healthy child rearing?”.
In California, this issue has been oscillating between yes and no for the last ten years. It began with Proposition 22 in 2000 which left marriage as only between a man and a woman. The city of San Francisco responded to this same-sex marriage ban by issuing gay couples marriage licenses anyway. In Lockyer v. City and County of San Francisco, a response to the illicit issuing of marriage license to same-sex couples, the court held that the city had acted unlawfully but had the option of challenging the present marriage laws. This led to the San Francisco Superior Court’s 4-3 ruling that: California’s Constitution, in fact, recognized same-sex marriage as a fundamental right (Doskow). Six months later, Proposition 8 passed by a slim majority (52 to 48) and overturned the court’s decision. Gay rights advocates attempted to stop the imposition of this ban in court where they were to decide what was to happen with the 18,000 same-sex couples who got married while it was allowed and whether Proposition 8 would be overturned or not. The California Supreme Court decided that the same-sex couples who had gotten married would stay married and Proposition 8 would not be overturned because the court cannot simply overturn the will of the majority. This ruling was very disappointing. They managed to divide the people of California into three classes: the privileged heterosexuals with the right to marry, the fortunate same-sex couples who were granted the right to stay married, and the rest of the LGBT community left waiting for marriage equality. On the same date that California’s Proposition 8 passed on the ballot, Arizona and Florida also voted to impose same-sex marriage bans within the state (The Gay Rights Movement).
Analysis
In order to defend same-sex couples’s right to marriage, plaintiffs used several different clauses of the Bill of Rights, many of which lie in section 1 of the 14th Amendment: “No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” They also used Article IV Section I of the Constitution: “Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State.”
Most prominent in equality cases is the Equal Protection Clause. The language used is broad enough to almost be expected to simply mean equal protection for everyone, but it has never been interpreted this way. Classifications were created to decide if and to what extend the Equal Protection Clause applied. These classifications are determined by seeing if a trait is immutable or not. For example, race is considered immutable and is therefore a suspect class subject to strict scrutiny, while gender though biologically immutable is thought to be socially constructed and is therefore a semi-suspect class subject to intermediate scrutiny. Sexual orientation on the other hand really depends on the eye of the beholder, and this is seen in court cases where it is sometimes non-suspect and in others suspect. The Courts are wrong in both cases. Sexual orientations should be classified alongside gender as semi-suspect because there is yet to be biological proof that it is truly immutable but it is an important enough characteristic of a person’s life which contributes to their everyday being. It is a trait that deserves to be subject to more than mere rational basis but not yet proven immutable to the case of being subject to strict scrutiny.
The Full Faith and Credit Clause of the Constitution is also a legitimate clause backing same-sex-marriage that could have been used in the movement toward marriage equality if DOMA had not specifically made marriage licenses an exception. DOMA is thought to be unconstitutional by some because it is used to override text in the Constitution.
When it comes to using the history and tradition behind definition of marriage to leave it as a heterosexual institution, it must be said that at one point interracial marriages were also illegal. If it were left to uphold the history of marriage, there would still be laws regarding interracial marriages and marriage between classes; and women would still be considered property belonging to men with no legal rights within a marriage.
Basing who can and cannot marry on the couple’s capability to procreate is also illogical. If this is a true reason to deny marriage licenses, it should be fairly applied to everyone; just like in the court case Singer v. Hara, where the court decided it was not unconstitutional because the discrimination applied to both men and women. With this rationale, same-sex couples, infertile couples, and the elderly should also be denied marriage licenses.
The arguments solely based on religion or God’s Will should not even be considered. Though it is true that many state and federal laws are based on Judeo-Christian backgrounds, there is a separation of church and state in the Constitution’s Establishment Clause. It is unconstitutional to deny anybody their civil rights solely on the grounds of religion.
Conclusion
Though the Supreme Court has come to accept marriage as a fundamental right, the boundaries of marriage are still left up to each individual state to decide. Each state decides what marriages are legit and which are allowed some, if any, legal recognition (Pull). To this day, the gay marriage equality movement has met several losses on the ballots in elections across the nation. Although these same-sex marriage bans were democratically decided, it is still unfair. It is unfair to allow a majority the right to take away the rights of a minority.
Leaving marriage up to each state to decide sounds like a good idea, because it takes this power away from the federal government and gives it to the states. This allows each state to make laws that better suit their constituents because the legislature is allowed to focus on a smaller population. Though it seems like the democratic thing to do, leaving it up to each individual state to decide whether they will legalize same-sex marriage or not is not only irrational, but it is a door opening to chaos over the institution of marriage. This is seen today: a handful of states have legalized gay marriage, several others have bans against it, and masses of same-sex couples and gay rights advocates are working harder than ever in each state to take their cases to court to overturn the discriminatory laws imposed upon them and their families. The Supreme Court and state legislature need to realize that just like during the times of the Civil Rights Movement, separate is not equal. Civil unions and domestic partnerships do not equate to a civil marriage.